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Why elections in little-known Castilla y León really matter for Spain’s future

Why are local elections in this largely rural region of Spain so important, and what implications could they have on politics at a national level? Seville-based political journalist Conor Faulkner breaks it down.

For many, the regional elections will be seen as not only a referendum on Casado’s leadership, but a midterm style judgement on the Pedro Sánchez led PSOE government at the national level. Photo: Miguel Riopa/AFP

If you’ve watched television in Spain recently, or picked up a newspaper, or had a look around Spanish Twitter, you’ll have noticed that Spain’s top politicians have been spending a lot of time campaigning in the countryside.

Leaders from all the major parties have descended on rural Castilla y León to support their regional parties in what many view as a potentially consequential election that could have ripple effects across the country.

Whether it be Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez in his bomber jacket, or Santiago Abascal putting on his wellies and doing his best ‘man of the people’ impersonation, Spain’s main political players have descended on the little-known mountainous region of Castilla y León in north-west Spain.

But neither of them are up for election, nor are Pablo Casado or any other national politician.

In fact, they have been on the campaign trail for regional elections. Why are they going to such efforts?

Snap election 

Castilla y León has traditionally been a PP stronghold. However the last set of regional elections there – in May 2019 – was actually won by PSOE on the popular vote, their first time taking the highest number of votes since 1983. However, PP quickly formed a coalition with Ciudadanos and got their leader, Alfonso Fernández Mañueco, installed as regional president. 

In early-2021 opposition party PSOE tabled a vote of no confidence that was eventually defeated, but the political fallout saw a Ciudadanos member defect to the opposition, thrusting the PP led government into minority status. The coalition between PP and Ciudadanos had become strained, particularly over COVID-19 measures, and rumours began to swirl that Mañueco would call a snap election to try and revive his political mandate, but also to try and build on the swell of PP support at the national level following the election of Isabel Ayuso in Madrid.

In December, Mañueco broke with convention and called the snap election for Sunday 13th February, taking his coalition partners by surprise: his deputy Francisco Igea heard the news while talking up the coalition commitment while giving a radio interview.

mañueco spain

Alfonso Fernández Mañueco (centre) during his swearing as president of Castilla y León in 2019. Photo: Junta de Andalucia/Flickr


Why is it important?

Although it’s true that the Castilla y León’s coalition government had been fractured, and that the region’s PP branch is facing a corruption scandal it could do with distracting from, many in Spanish political media feel that although these specific regional level motivations do exist, in reality Mañueco’s it taking his cues from PP’s national headquarters and Sunday’s results will have a ripple effect across the country and tell us a lot about how politics at the national level could play out over the next couple of years.

PP politics: Casado and Ayuso

PP’s regional President in Madrid, Isabel Ayuso, called a snap election Madrid last year after coalition infighting between PP and Ciudadanos down in Murcia sent shockwaves across national politics. Wanting to establish a proper political mandate, Ayuso went all in on the campaign trail – employing populist rhetoric on COVID-19 measures  – managed to win the elections outright and ousted her former coalition partners Ciudadanos. With the support of far-right Vox, Ayuso now enjoys a right-wing majority in the regional assembly and has seen a surge in personal polling numbers at the national level, leaving some in Spain wondering if she would, at some point, make a move for the national leadership.

With reports of tension and infighting between Casado and Ayuso, the Madrid leader grew in popularity while Casado’s leadership floundered as he was often outflanked on the right on cultural issues by Santiago Abascal and Vox. Publicly, at least, Casado celebrated Ayuso’s victory, but knew deep down that the battlelines had been drawn within his own party: victory in Madrid was not his, or a reflection of PP support on a national level, but that of his potential leadership challenger; one who was growing in popularity and outpolling him on almost any measure.


Ayuso (L), the rising star of the PP, seen delivering a speech after her victory in the Madrid regional elections in 2019, beside PP leader Pablo Casado. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

Sunday’s election in Castilla y León is viewed by many as Casado’s chance to try and reestablish his leadership at the national level, and to put political space between himself and Ayuso. It’s not without risk, however. If PP fail to win an outright majority Mañueco may be forced to rely on Vox support, which damages Casado politically as Abascal and Vox supporters have been highly critical of him in recent months and would represent a serious bloody nose; if the PSOE win, as some polls suggest could happen, Casado’s leadership would be facing terminal illness and all the rumours of leadership challenges would reemerge and ‘The Iron Lady from Madrid’ will be waiting.

Post-COVID politics

These regional elections in Castilla y León are also the first real political campaigning we’ve seen since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. Ayuso won in Madrid on lockdown specific rhetoric, whereas with cases falling and restrictions being repealed, Castilla y León is the first election since the November 2019 general election in which all the big names are on the campaign trail and talking about something that isn’t COVID. For many, the regional elections will be seen as not only a referendum on Casado’s leadership, but a midterm style judgement on the Pedro Sánchez led PSOE government at the national level.


Liberal centre-right party Cuidadanos have been on somewhat of a political journey in recent years. Initially born as a social democratic alternative, the party has shifted further and further rightward and props up PP regional governments across Spain. They have haemorrhaged members and money and another poor showing in Castilla y León could be the final nail in the coffin and leave them politically and economically bankrupt. Recent polls put them at just 3 percent in national voting intention: Castilla y León could be the beginning of the end on the national level.


Far-right party Vox have long been a thorn in the side of PP leader Casado. Struggling to balance the more economically conservative sections of his support base with culturally conservative challenges from Abascal and Vox, Casado has been perceived by many on the right as being outflanked on issues such as immigration and COVID-19 measures, and has faced a series of public attacks from Abascal in the media.

With polls suggesting that Vox could swing, or at the very least play a major role in, elections in Castilla y León, an emboldened Vox presence in the regional government would not only weaken Casado’s position but provide an insight into how a general election might play out. If PP are forced to rely on Vox votes to pass legislation, the rightward trend of politics on a regional and national level seems set: if Casado attempts to alienate Vox and form electoral pacts with Ciudadanos, Abascal and Vox will surely eat into his vote share.

elections castilla y leon

The leader of Spain’s far-right party VOX, Santiago Abascal, is hoping for political gains at Castilla y León’s regional elections. Photo: Dani Pozo/AFP

Empty Spain

An unknown in these regional elections are La España Vaciada (Empty Spain), a political party set up to try and combat the depopulation of Spain’s rural areas. Although small and new, the ‘Empty Spain’ party could play a role in tipping the balance of power in Castilla y León’s regional governments and it is unclear who they would support.

Although relatively small, the new single-issue party is campaigning in Palencia, Salamanca, Burgos and Valladolid, and any victory could have an effect on the arithmetic in government.

Polling predictions

Although a traditional bastion of PP politics, this election in Castilla y León is tough to call. PP were polling safely above PSOE for much of 2021, but their voting intention numbers have dropped in recent months and are now almost level with PSOE. Most polls expect Vox to improve its vote share; this would leave both major parties, PSOE and PP, without majorities: let the coalition negotiations begin.

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Why Madrid has become a haven for Latin American dissidents

Well-known faces of Cuba's protest have in recent years gone into exile in Madrid, which is rivalling Miami as a haven for Latin American political opponents.

Why Madrid has become a haven for Latin American dissidents

“Miami has always been the destination of those who suffered from Latin American dictatorships,” Cuban dissident and playwright Yunior García, who went into self-imposed exile in Madrid in November, told AFP.

But now “many Latin Americans are choosing to come to Spain,” added García, one of the organisers of a failed mass protest last year in the Communist-ruled island.

The Spanish capital is especially attractive for an artist and dissident fleeing a dictatorship because of its “bohemian” atmosphere, García said.

Spain has long drawn migrants from its former colonies in Latin America who have often sought work in low-wage jobs as cleaners or waiters — but in recent years prominent exiles have joined the influx.

Award-winning Nicaraguan writer and former vice president Sergio Ramírez and Venezuelan opposition politician Leopoldo López, a former mayor of Chacao, an upmarket district of Caracas, are among those who have moved to Madrid.

“Madrid is the new Miami, the new place where so many hispanics come fleeing dictatorship,” said Toni Cantó, the head of a Madrid regional government body charged with promoting the region as the “European capital of Spanish”.

Many Latin Americans are able to establish themselves easily in Spain because they have double citizenship, in many cases because their ancestors came from the country.

Others like García arrive on a tourist visa and then request asylum.

Sometimes, especially in the case of prominent Venezuelan opposition leaders, the government has rolled out the welcome mat and granted them Spanish citizenship.

Cuban political dissident Carolina Barrero is pictured during an AFP interview in Madrid. Spain has long drawn migrants from its former colonies in Latin America who have often sought work in low-wage jobs, but in recent years prominent exilees have joined the influx. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

‘Good option’

Contacted by AFP, Spain’s central government declined to comment.

But shortly after García arrived in Spain, Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares told parliament that Latin Americans “share our values, they look naturally to Europe”.

For Cubans, getting a visa to enter the United States has been even more complicated in recent years since Washington closed its consulate in Havana in 2017. It only partially reopened in May.

“Spain is a very good option,” said Cuban journalist Abraham Jiménez, who fled to Spain in January when he finally was able to obtain a passport after years of being denied one.

Spain has received previous waves of Cuban dissidents in the past.

Under an agreement between Cuba, Spain and the Catholic Church, in 2010 and 2011, more than 110 Cuban political prisoners arrived in Madrid, accompanied by dozens of relatives.

There are now about 62,000 Cubans officially registered in Spain, with Madrid home to the largest community.

Cuba is “a pressure cooker, and ever time pressure builds” Havana eases it by forcing dissidents into exile, said Alejandro Gonzalez Raga, the head of the Madrid-based Cuban Observatory for Human Rights who fled to Spain in 2008.

Cuban journalist Mónica Baró is pictured at her home in Madrid. (Photo by PIERRE-PHILIPPE MARCOU / AFP)

‘Lost everything’

Cuban independent journalist Mónica Baró said she left Cuba for Madrid in 2021 because she said she could no longer bear the “harassment” of Cuban state security forces.

Madrid shares the same language and has a “shared culture”, as well as a well-established network of Cubans, that has helped her overcome the “traumas” she brought with her, Baro added.

But not knowing if she will ever see her parents, who remained in Cuba, again saddens her.

“When you leave like I did, you have the feeling that you buried your parents,” said Baró, who faces arrest if she returns to Cuba.

García said he welcomed the absence in Madrid of the deep “resentment” and “rage” towards the Cuban regime found in Miami among its much larger community of Cuban exiles, which he said was “natural”.

These are people “who had to leave on a raft, who lost everything they had in Cuba, whose family suffered jail time and sometimes death,” he said.

Madrid on the other hand, provides “tranquility to think things through,” he added.

“I don’t want anger, resentment, to win me over,” García said.